Surgenor truth biography of michael

Works Cited. Folsom, Burton W. Last modified February 1, Gillis, Jennifer Blizin. Chicago, Illinois: Heinemann Library, Painter, Nell Irvin. Sojourner Truth: a Life, a Symbol. New York: W. Norton, Redding, Saunders. Cambridge: Belknap Press, Accessed October 14, Weatherford, Doris. New York: Macmillan General Reference, How to Cite this page.

Additional Resources. Inshe sold her house in Northampton and moved to Battle Creek, Michigan. In Michigan she continued to give speeches and lectures; she also widened her scope of political issues — speaking increasingly on prison reform and against capital punishment. As well as speeches, Truth took part in direct action. In Washington, she tried to force the desegregation of streetcars by travelling in white only carriages.

In the election, she sought to vote in the Presidential election but was turned back at the polling booth. She also carried many petitions, urging people to sign for various causes, such as free land for former slaves. Speaking to people, she remarked wryly:. During the civil war, she helped to recruit black troops and supplies for the Union army.

She also sought to try and improve the condition of freed slaves in Washington D. Whilst in Washington, she won her third court case — a personal injury case after a streetcar incident. After the civil war, she sought to encourage Congress to grant lands to freed slaves in the West. She argued that only when freed slaves had their own land, would they have the ability to support themselves and gain a real sense of dignity.

Her efforts never persuaded Congress to take action. It was not until 37 years after her death, a constitutional Amendment barred voting discrimination on the grounds of sex. It was the s before voting rights for African-Americans were enshrined in law. Increasingly frail, Truth died on 26 Novemberaged around Her tombstone gives her age as Inshe became the first black woman honoured with a bust in the U.

Capitol and inshe was included in the Smithsonian Institutions list of the most significant Americans. But I do wish we had left more to guide the generations who will follow us. I wish we had tried and evaluated more things and left more pitons in the rock. Having observed some of the current interaction of today's activists with unions, I think that a lot of young activists are confused about the trade union question.

Therefore the discussion of STO's independent mass organization concept in Mike's book is very important. But more about the context of that concept needs to be discussed. Trade unions based on labor laws that are designed to maintain the capitalist system will always attempt to limit and contain labor activism that threatens the system.

But there are some particularities in the United States that are also important. Today's US trade unions are all the product of an era when trade unions made a deal with capitalism in the period after World War II. A share of the considerable bounty from the post war boom was traded for assurances of continuity of production and support for US foreign policy, undermining radical labor activism at the time.

Part of this deal involved a purge of radical forces within unions and in this weakened state the unions accepted labor legislation that institutionalized the arrangement. When we were active in the late sixties and throughout the seventies, the capitalist class was in the process of canceling their end of the bargain by moving jobs to lower wage regions of the world.

It led to the shift in STO that Mike describes in the book. What was needed at the time was an all out attack on organized labor from the left and an effort to defy and render useless, labor law itself. I am of the opinion that now as then we are in a period of a massive shift in the way capitalism works globally. Unions are concerned about their surgenor truth biography of michael viability as institutions and will fight even harder against left forces that could threaten existing labor unions.

The recent actions of unions to contain the insurgency in Wisconsin and that of the longshoremen on the West Coast are examples of this. This leads me to a related point. Mike rightfully placed a great deal of emphasis on the shift in STO from an emphasis on point of production organizing to support for national liberation movements. I was at the meeting when this decision was made.

The main justification for this was the slowing of militant workplace activism by workers resulting in the decline of mass organizations at the workplace generally including those we had been involved in organizing. In hindsight the notion of a lull did not begin to get at what was going on. Capitalism was in a state of classic crisis and the ruling class was preparing an all out assault on workers in the industrialized nations of the world.

None of us saw this which would have had important implications for our practice. At the very time the industrial working class was under attack we abandoned the industrial project. All of the information needed to make this analysis was available at the time. Finally, I want to say a few words about STO's white skin privilege analysis. I thought that the point made by Mike, that the white skin privilege line could easily be vulgarized was well taken.

Despite efforts by Noel and others to combat this, a number of groups—some supportive and some hostile to the analysis and its practice—avoided the relationship of class and race when characterizing our ideas. We did leave ourselves open to this by not being sharper about both the racial dimension of class and the class dimension of race. This was weakness inside STO as well.

And this weakness became greater as we shifted priorities from the workplace where the class dimension was clear to the national liberation struggles where it was blurred. This is very important surgenor truth biography of michael. The white skin privilege analysis needs to be worked out anew in the context of ongoing struggles. Being Irish, he had an abiding sense of tragedy, which sustained him through temporary periods of joy… —William Butler Yeats.

This writer and former STO member disagrees. Radical political organizations never disappear; they disperse into the future with anticipation of periods of joy. Nonetheless Truth and Revolution has achieved a couple of things. First, the book recounts in substantial detail STO's significant achievements and major contributions to theory and strategy white skin privilege, dual consciousness and autonomy of agency which are explained and discussed throughout the book and summed up at p.

Secondly, with this book Sojourner Truth Organization now has a substantial, independently published history. In addition, others have archived, disseminated and referenced STO's various publications and documents. Still others claim to be its progeny. No other group of revolutionary North Americans from the latter half of the twentieth century, excepting the Black Panther Party, is comparable.

Truth and Revolution surpassed this writer's expectations both in depth and scope. Aside from a few lapses into typical leftist jargon e. Although the interview methodology is spotty, the thoroughness, references, summaries and organization of STO's documentary record is generally commendable. However, the book's value ends with that chore at p.

Putting aside several other quibbles, Truth and Revolution 's conclusions are its major weakness its conclusions are spread throughout, but drawn up in chief at pp. Rather than discover and cite to fact, the book makes a factually inaccurate appeal to melodramatic sensibilities:.

Surgenor truth biography of michael: THE subject of this

Unfortunately, the eventual fate [after the Islamic Revolution] of most of the returning exiles was imprisonment, death, or imposed political withdrawal and silence. Halfway across the globe, STO was largely helpless to assist its comrades and, despite many lessons learned [! Anecdotally, less than 5 percent of the Iranian students in North America returned to Iran and many of those who did return sided with the Islamic Republic.

Furthermore, after the Islamic Revolution STO remained in contact with Left-ISA members and assisted with campaigns and demands to various United Nations bodies for intervention against the persecution of Khomeini opponents both in Iran or to prevent or delay deportation of ISA members or other regime opponents to Iran from European or Middle East countries.

More significantly, Truth and Revolution misses the priority mission of the Iranian Student Associations in North America: organizing other expatriate Iranians against the Shah and later against the Khomeini regime. With this task STO's involvement achieved much. An STO member appeared in the media speaking about the mistreatment of Iranian students by the police, FBI and immigration agents and documentation of the mistreatment was disseminated nationally and internationally.

Another STO member, as part of a larger demonstration, disrupted a speech by Jimmy Carter after he hosted the Shah in exile. STO played a large supporting role in organizing the protest which drew considerable attention. All of this activity by STO supported and contributed to a vibrant Iranian student movement which equaled or surpassed its North American counterpart and converged with the radical North American internationalist milieu.

Other than to Truth and Revolution pp. The ISA call for international opposition to the Khomeini regime often blended with American hysteria during the embassy hostage episode, something which STO carefully recognized and carefully avoided. Not such a bad guy. This support was substantial and also informed at least a surgenor truth biography of michael of North Americans at large about the historic US domination of Iran at a time when the US government was forming intervention contingencies.

The book makes too much of both STO's formal organizational ending and the reasons for its ending. If a metric is useful at all, it may be whether and how STO's former members are currently engaged. The current period of mass movements across much of the globe includes Occupy Wall Street in North America—which Ignatiev rightly assessed as the most significant social movement since the s speech to Occupy Boston, November 15, While for some former STO members the cock has crowed thrice, others have persevered having been prepared to act either with or without organizational formalities.

If as Lenin, Ignatiev, and many others including Truth and Revolutionp. Shifting conditions are part and parcel of political life and dealing with such are its essence. Failures of will and lack of individual resiliency, on the other hand, usually have specific precipitating causes. Ahmed's recorded presentations were requested by and sent to the STO Kansas City branch where the debate around Zionism was particularly intense due in large part to Zeskind's presence.

On the former, i. It was an approach that assessed who—among the masses and among STO itself—was at that point of consciousness, had a willingness to act and wanted to organize around action. Harvey identifies neo-liberalism's origins as political movement initiated by Hayek and Friedman at a Swiss spa in The neo-liberal grouping consisted of pro-capitalist theoreticians who set out to remove all statist constraints on capital and to apply statist policies solely to protect capital from any interference.

The neo-liberal movement has profoundly influenced the political mainstream in North America, South America and Europe. The leading popular exponents of neo-liberalism were Thatcher her mentor was Hayek and Reagan Friedman was his. Truth and Revolution 's giving short shrift to neo-liberalism is likely explained by its anti-Leninist bias displayed in its murky critique of STO's Leninism pp.

Lenin also famously used Switzerland as a base of operations during his exile in but also, ironically, at a Swiss spa during earlier years. This accomplishment by the neo-liberal movement should come as no surprise since Truth and Revolution heaps attention on STO's grasp of the dualities involved with consciousness and revolution itself, i. Hamerquist argued that the Asian Third World would leapfrog industrialization just as he had argued that Third World national liberation movements would leapfrog capital and construct socialism directly out of wars of national liberation.

The secular crisis critiques argued that the secular crisis position assumed the replication in East Asia of North American capital's organic composition; essentially that automated production would obviate the need for human labor to an unprecedented degree internationally. The critics argued that capital's flow to East Asia was orthodox intra-class wage competition that Marx saw as the principal pillar of capital's domination of labor.

The critics proved to be correct as dramatically evidenced by Foxconn and other factories in Guadong Provence and in scores of other East Asian production centers replete with class antagonisms and rebellious worker self-activity. The point here, in terms of STO's formal demise, is that regardless of whether or how capital has shifted, flowed or deviated from its orthodox constitution, the tasks of revolutionaries never disappear; they change and modulate in intensity.

The book gives due credit to the heavies' heavy lifting in preparing the extensive dialectics training materials and organizing the study sessions, but decries the fact that they remained as a leading force. The fact is that many STO members were enriched by the dialectics materials and sessions and emerged as leaders of one stripe or another.

The problem more likely rested among those who were not comfortable or not capable of dealing with extraordinary or stronger intellects and extensive experience. This dialectic occurred within the voluntary associations of STO. A brain surgeon by virtue of her or his ability has a hierarchal master relationship to the patient slaveyet at the same time the patient or collectively the patients now masters need continual service from the brain surgeon or collectively brain surgeons now slaves.

If both actors voluntarily associate in an unmediated social situation and have a multiplicity of such unmediated voluntary relationshipsthey have constituted communism. A similar dialectic operated within STO and the rest, as they say, was in details of misunderstanding, jealousy, whining, or disingenuous posturing. The prudent thing is to take a shorter, intense time and develop in you a capacity of how to think about what you need to know to function politically.

Members, who rarely spoke, spoke up. Those, who rarely volunteered for uncomfortable tasks, began to volunteer. It may also serve as an introduction to serious radical politics or as an antidote to political fads and hack Leftism. At the very least it is a refresher source and a trip down memory lane for those who lived and continue to live STO.

For those of us who witnessed much of the tangled history of STO, this book represents a bold and well appreciated achievement. I don't have any problem with Michael casting his analysis of STO in the framework of his own political views, though some of the references to anarchist alternatives felt grafted on, but I do think that the author's political baggage projected the STO history down paths that were in some cases inaccurate and to a large degree counterproductive in our common desire to learn the most to do the best.

Let me confess at the outset that I realize I may have been able to contribute some of these observations as the manuscript was in development, and probably should have. A methodological error begins in the opening chapter in laying out the historical groundwork. Michael suggests that it was a spate of wildcat strikes that inspired the turn towards workplace organizing.

I believe such actions were more effect than cause. Contrary to what is suggested in the book, the whirlwind of ideas and action arising out of the rise and fall of SDS, including the turn toward the workplace, was not essentially a disconnected phenomenon, but was profoundly linked to an underlying context. In my view, it was in this incubator that STO's founders learned in real world circumstances from the working class in both its national and racial forms early on and in its general form later, about the bedrock politics of white skin privilege and dual consciousness.

The initial failure to cast the rise of STO as a creation as well as a creator of mass activity belies a problem that plagues the script throughout and eventually leads to a set of wrong conclusions that gives STO too much credit in the beginning and concomitantly too much blame in the end, too much emphasis on the few and the subjective and too little on the mass and objective conditions.

This overemphasis on the members of STO finally leads Michael to treat the organization as a failure because its membership disbanded, but I would argue that to the extent STO expressed rebellious impulses in practical theory that informs our movement to this day, the demise of STO as described in this book was greatly exaggerated.

In the process, we see a number of indicators of this basic misstep. From the use of obscuring terms like middle class in chapter 1, to the definition p. It should come as no surprise then that Michael finds the problem with STO's shift from the workplace to more activist arenas as a series of errors that arose from the heads of the members, rather than the fact that we broke—in steps that were so small that they were virtually imperceptible certainly to me —away from the class.

It would not occur to those who do not appreciate the role of water, that taking fish out of water is fatal. Not that STO couldn't have survived the lull, but only if we had not broken so thoroughly surgenor truth biography of michael our class base, only if we had maintained that strategic orientation in fact instead of just in form, where we consciously accepted that direct organizing work in the factories was no longer as available, and that the structural shift would involve a perhaps lengthy period without such contact, but that in that time we should stay porous to the event, to use the more recent vernacular.

What would it have meant to STO and the class had we been around when the P9 struggle broke out? The uprising in southern Mexico? The austerity struggles? Michael says at one point that the Chinese revolution undercut class orientation, but that's only true if you use empiricism as your instrument. Instead, we, well most of us, succumbed to the lure of the activist milieu and warnings that we were in the midst of cataclysmic crisis.

This was the mistake that doomed STO as an organization, namely that we went to a place that Michael and the anarchists, for the most part, actually think, as a general proposition, we should be. Acknowledging the tremendous amount of excellent work that Michael poured into this book, I would still like people to come away with a different set of lessons, ones that realize that we hold ourselves in high revolutionary esteem at our own peril, that there is a reason why the highest and best organic relationship for revolutionary purposes has been the working class and the more associated with creating commodities that are useful and openly stolen, the better, and that radical subjectivity on the part of activists is useful only when it is informed by and embraceable and embraced by the broader class.

Finally, for now anyway, as a person who has been heavily involved in the rebirth and use of the dialectics course, I would be remiss if I didn't respond to what has become standard critique of the course, that it's outdated. This is true if the course were about things, events, issues—but it's essentially not. It's about what it says it is about: how to think—or more particularly how to think in terms of changing categories of thought so that we don't think of things like nationalism as static entities.

It's about how change has both quantitative and qualitative dimensions, how reality is often obscured by the apparent, and a number of other concepts that I firmly believe would make a difference in our common ability to forge a common path. I think this book is as near perfect as a book of its sort can be. In that case, I would disagree with my advisors.

I hope Mike's own experience in graduate school does not encumber his ability to tell a story. I have read a number of histories, memoirs, and biographies of the new left, in English and Spanish; this is the only accounting that combines useful intellectual history with a vivid sense of lived experience. He understands what we were about—the dilemmas we faced, our theoretical underpinnings, and the larger context where we worked.

That someone his age could do that gives me hope. The most difficult kind of history is that of the still living: one is a pioneer, without a previous analytical or thematic scaffolding. But more important is the need to protect the living, to avoid alienating sources, to avoid reviving old conflicts, to choose between versions of events which still have partisans and which could still affect people's lives.

These are difficult decisions. I noted two surgenor truths biography of michael where Mike's discretion was apparent and where I think he made the right choice. One was his omission of the events that followed on the Phantom Pheminists: the trial and punishment of a male leader by the Women's Commission. He was right to let that go; some of us were holding our breath, wondering just how many dirty sheets would be laundered.

This may have added to the opacity of the discussion of gender relations, which could hardly be coherent without naming names, but it saved us the descent to titillation and gossip. For decades I have wanted to tell certain stories as cautionary tales and I have not figured out how to do so without putting people in danger, since the lived experience that is the center of the narrative cannot be told.

Finally, I would like to know who excerpted from my memoir and sent it to Mike without my knowledge. It would have been nice to inform me, especially since it was later extensively rewritten. Did you think I wouldn't notice? I first became aware of STO in the late s, a few years after the organization disbanded. Compared with most of the left groups I was aware of, STO seemed like a breath of fresh air.

Here was a Marxist organization that promoted both revolutionary politics and genuine open debate, and that combined practical work with nuanced, sophisticated analyses of major issues like white supremacy and fascism. Whatever its failings, I knew this was a model worth learning from. In Truth and RevolutionMike Staudenmaier writes about how STO developed the dialectics study to help strengthen and equalize theoretical understanding within the group.

I took the dialectics course intaught by two former STO members, and I remember them emphasizing that if you want people to be able to provide constructive leadership and make good political decisions, then people have to be able to think for themselves. The course format itself reflected this, in that our teachers welcomed suggestions from participants for changes to the curriculum and encouraged all of us to take turns leading the discussions.

The dialectics study and related STO readings had a big impact on me. They didn't make me a sophisticated thinker in terms of high theory, but they helped me develop some practical analytical tools, based especially on treating contradiction as a dynamic process and a crucial historical reality. The analysis of white skin privilege, which was central to STO politics from beginning to end, highlights what was distinctive about STO's theoretical approach.

Lots of leftists and liberals have embraced the white skin privilege concept over the past forty-odd years, but too many of them have interpreted it to mean that white people, including white workers, are simply bought off, co-opted into being supporters of the status quo. To me, the key thing about STO's take on this issue is that it treats white workers' situation as contradictory.

STO said that white workers have a material stake in the system of racial oppression but are still part of an exploited class that has the potential to make a revolution. And this contradictory situation embodies part of the basic contradiction of capitalism, which is internal to the working class itself. STO's analysis of fascism is one of its contributions that has most directly affected my own work.

Mike's book traces how, in the late s, STO shifted from a conventional Marxist view of fascism as the last defense of capitalism when bourgeois democracy failsto an understanding that fascism has its own dynamic and an important degree of autonomy from capitalist control; that it has a genuine revolutionary, anti-capitalist dimension; and that it has the potential to gain a mass following, specifically within the white working class.

Here again, the analysis hinges on the idea of contradiction, specifically, fascism's contradictory relationship with the capitalist system. STO came to regard fascist movements and state repression as threats that were interrelated but also distinct and increasingly at odds with each other. By the early s, STO was treating anti-fascist organizing as an area of strategic importance in its own right.

Within the framework of building a defensive united front against fascism, STO promoted a militant approach that rejected reliance on the state. Parts of this account are not very flattering. Yet the former STO members I met in the late s were vividly aware of these mistakes. One of them recounted a situation where STO received opposite instructions from a black nationalist group and a Puerto Rican group they were working with closely, which underscored the point that they had to figure it out for themselves.

STO made many contributions and had many shortcomings, and I think Truth and Revolution does an excellent job of highlighting both in a fair and constructive way. But from the standpoint of learning from its legacy, it seems to me that STO's strengths are much more distinctive than its weaknesses. Many of the problems that Mike discusses—the informal hierarchy, the imbalance between men's and women's participation, the millenarianism leading to burnout, the failure to stick with one strategic direction for more than a few years, the failure to grow—were and are common problems on the left and beyond the left.

That doesn't mean we should minimize or excuse them, but rather that we probably need to look beyond the specifics of STO's story to understand and avoid these problems. By contrast, STO's contributions to revolutionary theory, its efforts to promote critical thinking as a necessary complement to practical work, its fundamental humility regarding its own role in building a revolutionary mass movement—these were and are much more rare.

These are my perspectives and they don't necessarily reflect the views of Unity and Struggle. I was formerly a part of a now defunct propaganda circle that was active in Kansas City, MO, in the early part of the s. We made the acquaintance of an ex-STO militant who would play the role of a sometimes mentor and who made available their writing.

The relationship we had with him would be short-lived but the influence of what we read would be profound. While we were not successful in building a functional organization, a couple of us felt it urgent to make STO's literature available to other revolutionaries and latent formations who might benefit from it because of the originality and theoretical deftness of what we had read.

We initiated a website devoted to those writings.

Surgenor truth biography of michael: And so the task

We were right. This web archiving project would serve as a bridge in our activity which put us in contact with other militants, including Staudenmaier, and some in Unity and Struggle, which I joined later. Communists then and now live with the ghosts of social democracy, Stalinism, Maoism, and Trotskyism, but the "ultra-left" reading of Marx and Lenin that STO had as well as the centrality of W.

Du Bois, Antonio Gramsci, and C. I'm going to respond to question two since that is by far the most pressing and relevant question asked of revolutionaries inspired by the legacy of the STO. As I see it, the lessons of STO are twofold. There's that of their organizational experience, internally and externally, and that of their written work.

These things are certainly a dynamic; their practical work and experience no doubt influenced their theory and politics and new conclusions led to new orientations and practices. STO shouldn't have been alone amongst the New Communist movement in living that dynamic but they were and this is both unfortunate but also what has generated so much new interest in them among the Left in this period of crisis and regroupment.

For our purposes, I'm going to focus on the issues of communist organization and regroupment, the racial composition within STO, and their analysis of white-skin privilege and its relationship to the current era. A key lesson for militants to take from the STO experience is the question of communist organization and regroupment. In the early years of the organization, the line was essentially that theory was of secondary importance while practice required the utmost unity.

The separation of theory and practice this way necessarily had grave consequences for the group.

Surgenor truth biography of michael: Truth was born into slavery

While there was broad agreement on questions of race and white supremacy, the bankruptcy of the unions, and the need for direct action at the point of production, the actual experience of factory work without a higher level of agreement led to splits in STO within a few short years: a rightist split, that tended toward a more party-centric approach and a short time later, a leftward split that believed that STO should dissolve itself into factory organizations.

Each of these splits was the result of underdeveloped theory on the role of an interventionist organization and the behavior of the unions. The results of this led what remained of STO to place a higher premium on theoretical agreement. Of course, this experience was necessary for them to discover why theory should be so critical. Of equal importance is the question of the racial composition of STO, specifically the fact that they failed in the long term to build a multiracial and majority people of color revolutionary cadre organization.

This remains one of the essential tasks of revolutionaries today in the US. On the cast recording, the track was performed by Maya Angelou. Starting innumerous black civic associations adopted the name Sojourner Truth Club or similar titles to honor her. Examples listing club names, places, years founded: [ ]. Contents move to sidebar hide. Article Talk.

Read View source View history. Tools Tools. Download as PDF Printable version. In other projects. Wikimedia Commons Wikiquote Wikisource Wikidata item. African-American activist — Truth, c. Swartekill, New YorkU. Battle Creek, MichiganU. Further information: History of slavery in New York state. Further information: Ain't I a Woman? Washington, D.

Main article: Bust of Sojourner Truth U. Libraries, schools, and buildings. Library resources about Sojourner Truth. Online books Resources in your library Resources in other libraries. Longman Pronunciation Dictionary 3rd ed. ISBN November 3, Retrieved April 3, New York: Walter de Gruyter. Archived from the original PDF on December 22, Sojourner Truth's America.

University of Illinois Press. Cambridge University Press. Roll Call. April 28, Retrieved February 14, The Smithsonian. November 17, Retrieved September 14, New York Slavery Records Index. City University of New York. Retrieved December 27, Terry Sojourner Truth. Barbour Publishing, Inc. Sojourner Truth Institute surgenor truth biography of michael.

Archived from the original on August 12, Retrieved December 28, Women in History Ohio. February 27, Retrieved March 10, The Atlantic. Retrieved March 6, Urbana, Illinois : University of Illinois Press. Retrieved September 18, Battle Creek Enquirer. Retrieved August 29, David Ruggles Center for History and Education. Crowe II February 1, Retrieved February 16, Encyclopedia of World Biography.

Advameg, Inc. Westchester Magazine. New York Almanack. Retrieved February 7, National Women's History Museum. Sojourner Truth PBS". New York: W. Encyclopedia of American Women and Religion 2nd ed. S2CID Narrative of Sojourner Truth. Enduring Truths: Sojourner's Shadows and Substance. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Chapter 5. In Hill, Melvin ed.

Existentialist Thought in African American Literature before Lexington Books. Sojourner Truth". Anti-Slavery Bugle. June 21, Retrieved December 26, History of Woman Suffrage. Rochester, N. Y: Susan B. LCCN Retrieved December 3, Retrieved October 26, Women, Race and Class. Library of Congress. Retrieved March 1, Watkins Harper. Votes for Women.

New York: Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on May 2, Retrieved March 29, Negro History Bulletin. ISSN JSTOR Ann Arbor District Library. Retrieved March 30, Retrieved April 4, Retrieved November 7, Sojourner Truth Biography. Archived from the original on December 22, The Library of Congress. Retrieved November 25, Skyhorse Publishing Inc.

January 19, The New York Times.